ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INCLUSION: WALK THE TALK
Otive Igbuzor, PhD
Founding Executive Director,
African Centre for Leadership, Strategy & Development (Centre LSD) and
Chief of Staff to the Deputy President of the 9th Senate (2019-2023)
A KEYNOTE ADDRESS PRESENTED AT THE 2025 INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY COMMEMORATION HELD ON 6TH MARCH, 2025
1. PREAMBLE
Your Excellency, the President of the Senate, Distinguished Senators, Honourable Members of the National Assembly, esteemed guests, ladies, and gentlemen, it is a great privilege and honour for me to stand before you today on the occasion of the International Women’s Day (IWD) commemoration under the theme Economic and Political Inclusion: Walk the Talk.
I must commend the Senate for organising this programme. It shows the commitment of the Senate to Gender Equality and Women Empowerment. In this address, we want to focus on what the National Assembly can do to walk the talk about Economic and Political Inclusion of women in Nigeria. But first, we look at the history and significance of International Women’s Day and the status of Women in terms of Economic and Political Inclusion.
2. HISTORY AND SIGNIFICANCE OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY
The history of International Women’s Day dates to the early 20th century when women across the globe began advocating for their rights, particularly for better working conditions, voting rights, and gender equality. The first International Women’s Day was celebrated in 1911. Since then, the day has become a global movement for gender equality and women empowerment.1 Every year, the celebration attempts to highlight progress made towards gender equality while also recognizing existing gaps and advocating for what must be done.
The theme for this year, Economic and Political Inclusion: Walk the Talk, is particularly relevant in the Nigerian context, where women continue to face systemic barriers and exclusion from economic participation and political leadership.
3. THE PRECARIOUS STATUS OF WOMEN IN TERMS OF ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INCLUSION
Historically, women have been marginalized in all areas including social, economic and political spheres. The current status of women in the world is precarious. One in every ten women is living in poverty. Women are less likely to have access to social protection. Women are more food insecure than men. Women and girls suffer most from lack of water and sanitation. Women are less likely than men to have access to financial institutions or have a bank account. The digital divide remains a gendered one with 37 percent of women globally not using internet, meaning 259 million fewer women have access to the internet than men.2 Women are more likely to be unemployed than men. Women farmers have less access to land. Environmental degradation and climate change have disproportionate impacts on women and children.
Women all over the world share a common feature of marginalisation in all spheres of life. In nearly all countries of the world, the dates of male universal suffrage differ from that of women as shown in the table below.
Table One: Democratisation of suffrage in Selected countries
Country Male Universal Suffrage Female Universal Suffrage Difference in years
Australia 1903 1908 5
Canada 1915/18 1920 2
France 1869/71 1946 75
Great Britain 1877 1928 51
Italy 1925 1946 21
Sweden 1423 1921 498
Portugal 1911 1974 63
Japan 1918/19 1947 28
Nigeria 1922 1979 57
From the table above, it is clear that in all parts of the world, women have been historically discriminated against in electoral issues.
Similarly, women are marginalized in political leadership. The number of Women in parliament all over the world is not commensurate with the population of women. Meanwhile, studies show that higher number of women in parliament generally contributes to stronger attention to women issues. Fortunately, there is increasing participation of women in parliament but as at 2009, only 17 heads of state are women; only 25 % of parliamentarians are women. There are many factors that hinder women participation in politics. These include patriarchy, violence, money, cultural barriers and religious barriers.
The situation in Nigeria is more precarious than many other parts of the world. The constitutional history of Nigeria shows that this exclusion dates back to the colonial times when women were not allowed to vote. The Clifford constitution of 1922 restricted the electorate to adult males in Calabar and Lagos who have been resident in the city for at least one year and had a gross annual income of 100 pounds sterling. The Richard constitution of 1946 only reduced the property qualification to 50 pounds sterling. The Macpherson constitution removed property qualification but still restricted the electorate to only adult males who pay their taxes. In fact, it was not until 1979 before the right to vote was extended to all Nigerian women. While men were guaranteed voting rights by the Clifford Constitution of 1922, women in all parts of the country started voting in 1979, a difference of fifty seven years.
Table Two: Democratisation of suffrage in Nigeria
YEAR CONSTITUTION SUFFRAGE
1914 Amalgamation None
1922 Clifford Adult Males with annual income of 100 pounds sterling
1946 Richards Adult Males with annual income of 50 pounds sterling
1951 Macpherson Adult Males who paid their taxes
1954 Lyttleton Adult Males+ Females in East & West
1960 Independence Adult Males+ Females in East & West
1963 Republican Adult Males+ Females in East & West
1979 Presidential Adult Males & Females
The end result is that the number of women in political leadership is very low in Nigeria.
It has been documented that in Nigeria, women and girls suffer systematic disadvantage and discrimination that is magnified for those in the poorest states and sectors of society.3 Nigeria’s 80.2 million women and girls have significantly worse life chances than men and also their sisters in comparable societies. In Nigeria, 60-79 percent of the rural work force is women but men are five times more likely to own land. Women with dependants pay more tax than men. Women in formal employment are paid less than men. Nearly five times as many judges and permanent secretaries are men rather than women. At a time only 4 percent of local government councilors are women. Up to one third of Nigerian women have been subjected to violence.4
All over the world, there are significant gender gaps persisting in areas such as education, employment, political representation and access to health care. According to the World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report 2023, at the current rate of progress, it will take 162 years to close the political empowerment gender gap and 169 years for the economic participation and opportunity gender gap.5 These gaps have profound negative implications for women limiting their opportunities and potential, and for society as a whole hindering economic growth and development. Therefore, accelerating gender equality is a matter of social justice and human rights.
In Nigeria, there is social exclusion of women. According to the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2023 Nigeria is ranked 130th out of 146 countries in terms of gender equality highlighting the extent of the problem.6 According to UNICEF, the net enrolment rate for girls in primary education is 60 percent, compared to 66 percent for boys.7 In addition, girls are more likely to drop out of school due to early marriage, pregnancy or financial constraints. The female labour force participation rate in Nigeria is 52.2 percent compared to 65.9 percent for men in 2023. 8 According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), maternal mortality rate in Nigeria are among the highest in the world, with 512 deaths per 100,000 live births. 9 Women’s representation in politics and decision making positions is one of the lowest in the world. Men in Nigeria started voting in 1923 but the first time all Nigerian women voted in a general election was in 1979, 56 years later. The percent of women parliamentarians at the Federal House of Representatives is 4.7 percent and Senate is 2.7 percent. 10 This is one of the lowest in the world when compared with other countries: Rwanda- 61.25 percent; South Africa-46.23 percent; Senegal-46.06 percent; Namibia-44.23 percent; Mozambique-43.2 percent; Cape Verde- 41.67 percent; Ethiopia-41.31 percent; Burundi- 38.21 percent; Tanzania- 37.4 percent; Cameroun-33.89 percent; Uganda- 33.81 percent and Angola- 33.64 percent.
Distinguished President of the Senate, since return to civil rule in 1999, efforts have been made at constitutional engineering to reverse the discrimination against women in Nigeria through constitutional amendment. But the efforts have consistently failed to garner sufficient votes for amendment of the relevant sections of the constitution. In the 9th Assembly, the five gender bills that would have guaranteed constitutional inclusion of women were rejected. The five gender bills are:
1. Bill to amend section 223 of the 1999 Constitution to ensure women occupy at least 35 percent in political party and appointive positions.
2. Bill on Ministerial and Commissioner nomination to among other things amend section 147 and 192 of the 1999 Constitution so that at least 35 percent of all nominees are women.
3. The reserved seats bill to among other things amend sections 48, 49 and 91 of the 1999 Constitution to create additional 37, 74 and 108 seats for women at the Senate, House of Representatives and the State Houses of Assembly respectively.
4. Bill on citizenship to amend section 26 to grant citizenship to foreign husbands of Nigerian women as is guaranteed to foreign wives of Nigerian men in section 26(1)(a) of the 1999 Constitution.
5. The indigeneity bill to among other things amend section 31 and 318 (1) of the 1999 Constitution to allow women to claim their husband’s state of origin after at least five years of marriage.
The rejection of the five gender bills is in tandem with the historical exclusion of women from the constitution in Nigeria. It has been documented that constitution making in Nigeria has persistently excluded female legitimacy.11 This exclusion dates back to the colonial times when women were not allowed to vote. The Clifford constitution of 1922 restricted the electorate to adult males in Calabar and Lagos who have been resident in the city for at least one year and had a gross annual income of one hundred pounds sterling. The Richard constitution of 1946 only reduced the property qualification to fifty pounds. The Macpherson constitution removed property qualification but still restricted the electorate to only adult males who pay their taxes. By the Lyttleton constitution of 1954, franchise was universal in the East and West but limited to adult males in the North. In fact, it was not until 1979 before the right to vote was extended to all Nigerian women. The language of the constitution is in masculine gender and totally excludes women. It is written in masculine gender as if there are no women in Nigeria. Moreover, the 1999 constitution not only continues the marginilisation of women but also discriminates against women. Whereas Section 26 makes it possible for any man to confer citizenship on his foreign spouse by registration, the same right is not extended to women.
Other countries of the world have recognised the need for economic and political inclusion and they are making progress. In 2003, an amendment of Rwandan Constitution reserved quota of at least 30 percent for women. This led to a quantum leap from 26 percent in 2002 to 49 percent in 2003 and to over 60 percent as at 2023. In Republic of Benin, a 2019 Constitutional amendment reserved 24 seats for women and increased the percentage representation from 6 percent in 2019 to 26 percent. In Senegal, the law of Parity adopted in 2010 provides for a 50/50 gender quota in all elective positions in all levels of government. In Sierra Leone, the Gender Equality and Women Empowerment Act was signed into law providing for at least 30 percent affirmative action for women. In Uganda, article 78 of the Constitution provides for one women representative for every district making women representative to increase to 32.8 percent, 30 percent in local councils and 30 percent in cabinet (Otive-Igbuzor, 2023).
But the problem is that Nigeria is not making progress. Nigeria ranks 54 out of the 54 countries in Africa.12 Nigeria is the last position in Africa. In Urhobo language, we call Agbekpo. Even the National Gender Policy that formulated a 35 percent affirmative action for involvement of women in governance since 2006 which has been increased to 50 percent is not implemented. The policy is observed in breach. This led Nigerian women to go to court. On 6th April, 2022 judgement was delivered in favour of Nigerian women granting them 35 percent affirmative action on appointments. But the Attorney General of the Federation has appealed against the judgement.
4. WALK THE TALK
To walk the talk is to act in a way that is consistent with what you say. It is about keeping promises made and implementing conventions and laws passed. To walk the talk is to accelerate gender equality and women empowerment. Meanwhile, studies have shown that when women are empowered, all of society benefits.13 In fact, countries on top of human development index such as the Scandinavian countries of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands etc have gender transformative policies. Gender empowerment and women equality is not a favour done to women. Neither is it just good politics. It benefits society as a whole. Scholars are in agreement that in order to release women’s
potential as agents of change, there is the need to address structural inequalities that constrain women.14 This can be done by:
a. Increasing women’s access to, control over and benefit from basic assets such as land, water, forest resources and capital. At the core of this issue are power and policy: learning how to address these two factors is the key to bringing about equitable and sustainable development.
b. Enabling women to have more say in community affairs and at higher political levels. Opening avenues for women’s representational role in decision-making bodies implies facilitating the right of association and expression, building awareness of women’s rights, questioning gender stereotypes, and facilitating women’s participation by ensuring the provision of basic services. It may also require positive action, such as reserving places for women in decision-making bodies.
c. Advocating and coordinating efforts to increase investments in basic rural infrastructure and services, particularly water, health and education – limited access to which places a special burden on poor women and girls.
d. Gaining men’s support for women’s empowerment. Consciousness-raising among men has to go hand in hand with women’s mobilization and group formation. The achievement of gender equality is not the sole responsibility of marginalized women: men and political leaders (both men and women) must also be engaged as champions of equality and women’s empowerment.15
According to UN Women, at the current rate of investment, more than 340 million women and girls will still live in extreme poverty by 2030.16 The UN Women suggests five ways to accelerate women’s economic development:
i. Ramp up resources for women to access land, information, technology and natural resources.
ii. Create jobs for women in condition of freedom, equity, security and dignity and ensure pay transparency, equal pay for work of equal value and access to care services.
iii. Promote work-life balance, recognise and value women’s unpaid care work which is valued globally at $10.8 trillion annually, three times the size of world’s tech industry. There is the need to professionalise the care giving sector.
iv. Deal with the numerous threats to women and girls security including Gender Based Violence (GBV), conflict, food insecurity and a lack of social protection.
v. Eliminate unjust, patriarchal economic system that perpetuate gender inequality and discriminatory social norms that stand in the way of women’s access to information, networks, jobs and assets.
In addition to the above, it has been shown that economic empowerment of women can be accelerated through sustainable, clean energy programmes and social protection policies for women.
Studies have shown that when women are empowered, all of society benefits.17 In fact, countries on top of human development index such as the Scandinavian countries of
Norway, Sweden, Netherlands etc have gender sensitive policies. Gender empowerment and women equality is not a favour done to women. Neither is it good politics. It benefits society as a whole.
Several studies have shown that women empowerment and gender equality are necessary for women to realize their rights. According to Kenneth Wollack, President of National Democratic Institute:
Women’s meaningful participation in politics affects both the range of policy issues that are considered and the types of solutions that are proposed. Research indicates that a legislator’s gender has a distinct impact on policy priorities, making it critical that women are present in politics to represent the concerns of women and other marginalized citizens and help improve the responsiveness of policy-making and governance. And as more women reach leadership positions within their political parties, these parties tend to prioritize issues that impact health, education and other quality of life issues. There is strong evidence that as more women are elected to office, there is also a corollary increase in policy-making that reflects the priorities of families, women, and ethnic and racial minorities. Women’s political participation has profound positive and democratic impacts on communities, legislatures, political parties, and citizen’s lives. In places as diverse as Timor-Leste, Croatia, Morocco, Rwanda and South Africa, an increase in the number of female lawmakers led to legislation related to antidiscrimination, domestic violence, family codes, inheritance, and child support and protection.
…..Women lawmakers tend to see “women’s” issues more broadly as social issues, possibly as a result of the role that women have traditionally played as mothers and caregivers in their communities; and more women see government as a tool to help serve underrepresented or minority groups. Women lawmakers, therefore, have often been perceived as more sensitive to community concerns and more responsive to constituency needs.
Women are deeply committed to peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction and have a unique and powerful perspective to bring to the negotiating table. Women often suffer disproportionately during armed conflict and often advocate most strongly for stabilization, reconstruction and the prevention of further conflict. Peace agreements, post-conflict reconstruction and governance have a better chance of long-term success when women are involved.18
It is therefore important that the necessary condition should be created for women to realize their rights. Scholars are in agreement that in order for women to realize their rights, there is the need to address structural inequalities that constrain women.19
5. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY SHOULD WALK THE TALK
The National Assembly is the highest law-making body in Nigeria. It has roles to play in law making, representation and oversight. To truly walk the talk, the 10th National Assembly must:
a. Enact the five gender bills that was rejected by the 9th National Assembly.
b. Represent both men and women. Women represent about 50 percent of the population, and this must be seen in practice.
c. Enact laws that will increase women’s access to land, capital and public services including water, sanitation, health, education and infrastructure.
d. Enact gender sensitive budgets that will create jobs for women, make women have access to finance and ensure social protection for all especially women, youth and persons with disability.
e. Ensure proper oversight that the laws passed by the National Assembly is respected. Ensure the VAPP Act is implemented not repealed. The court has declared that the Executive arm of government should implement affirmative action policy. The Executive arm of government has refused to obey the court judgement.
f. The National Assembly has just validated a Gender Strategy for the National Assembly facilitated by the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS). The 10th Assembly should ensure that the Gender strategy is implemented. This will require formulating a sexual harassment policy so that there is a clear process of reporting and dealing with sexual harassment.
6. CONCLUSION
The history of the world shows that women have been marginalised and discriminated against in all spheres of life. Women have suffered economic and political exclusion. Celebration of International Women’s Day offers us an opportunity ton reflect on the past and map out a way for the future. The Legislature occupies a special place in a modern democratic society. It is the legislature that makes democracy real as the executive and judiciary exist in some form in a military government. The legislature can play a crucial role in promoting gender equality and women empowerment.
Previous governments and past legislatures have failed Nigerian women. The 10th National Assembly has an historic responsibility to rise up to the occasion and walk the talk. The 10th National Assembly should enact laws to protect women participation; enact laws to increase women’s access to land, capital and public services; represent both men and women and ensure proper oversight that the laws passed by the Assembly are respected and implemented. The National Assembly should demonstrate exemplary leadership by implementing its gender strategy and formulate a sexual harassment policy so that there is a clear process of reporting and dealing with sexual harassment.
Distinguished President of the Senate, Honourable Members of the National Assembly, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, the journey toward economic and political inclusion is not just a moral obligation but a strategic imperative for national progress. The National Assembly, as the highest legislative body, holds the power to break systemic barriers and create a Nigeria where every citizen—regardless of sex—has equal access to opportunities, leadership, and economic prosperity.
Now is the time to move beyond rhetoric and take decisive action. The 10th National Assembly must champion the cause of inclusion by enacting the gender bills, ensuring equitable representation, and fostering policies that empower women and marginalized groups. This is not just about fairness; it is about harnessing the full potential of our nation for sustainable development.
History will judge this Assembly not by the promises made, but by the actions taken. Let us be bold. Let us be relentless. Let us walk the talk and build a Nigeria where no one is left behind.
ENDNOTES 1 United Nations (2023), International Women’s Day: History and Significance. 2 UN Women (2024), Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment (www.unwomen.org) 3 British Council (2012), Gender in Nigeria Report 2012 4 Ibid 5 World Economic Forum (2023), Global Gender Gap Report, 2023 6 World Economic Forum (2021), Global Gender Gap Report 2023. 7 UNICEF (2020), Girls’ Education in Nigeria. 8 World Bank Gender Data Portal (https://genderdata.worldbank.org) 9 World Health Organisation (WHO)(2020), Maternal Mortality in Nigeria. 10 PLAC (2023), Worrying Numbers for Women in 10th NASS (www.placng.org) 11 Ezeilo, Joy (2005) 12 PLAC (2024) Inter-Parliamentary Union Ranking 13 Macedo, K (2010) Op Cit 14 IFAD (2003), Women as Agents of Change. Discussion Paper 15 Ibid 16 UN Women (2024), 5 Ways to accelerate women’s economic development (www.news.un.org) 17 Macedo, Kahlah (2010), Women as Social and Economic Agents of Change. 18 Wolllack, K(2010) Op Cit 19 IFAD (2003), Women as Agents of Change. Discussion Paper
